Eris Thesis

 

2.1. The Exacerbation of Capital’s Inner Contradictions

Capital expands inexorably not toward a softening of its antagonisms, but toward an acute, violent exacerbation of its inner contradictions. This catastrophic trajectory is not a mere political failing, but the mechanical result of the falling rate of profit, manifesting in the juridical depersonalisation of capital and the global intensification of state despotism. Furthermore, Capital systematically ruptures the organic link between humanity and nature, subsuming the biosphere into the dead machinery of value expansion and turning the earth into a mere warehouse of extractable resources. This monstrous metabolic necrosis imposes a definitive biological countdown upon our species. The communist transformation of society is therefore stripped of all utopianism; it becomes an absolute biological necessity for human survival, the sole historical mechanism capable of halting the thermodynamic heat-death of the planet.

2.2. The Marxist Theory of Crisis

Lost on the irresponsible chatterboxes of the left is the fundamental Marxist theory of crisis. Crisis is an indispensable thermodynamic moment for Capital; it is not an anomaly, but the violent purgation required to restore an equilibrium continually broken by accumulation. When the mass of surplus value can no longer profitably animate the colossal dead weight of constant capital, the system chokes. By putting the physical destruction of capital on the agenda—through mass bankruptcies, the rusting of machines, and the slaughter of imperialist war—these cataclysms provide the most striking material warning. The system must give way to a superior, consciously planned mode of production, or drag humanity into the abyss of mutual ruin.

2.3. The Phase of Real Domination and Silent Compulsion

During this counter-revolutionary phase, overt political violence recedes, replaced by the silent, anonymous constraint of the capitalist production process itself. Under the formal domination of Capital, the worker still retained a memory of independent labour; under real domination, the worker is reduced to a mere conscious appendage of the machine. This economic violence, rooted in constant accumulation and the extraction of relative surplus value, paralyses non-reformist action. The fully developed organisation of the capitalist process breaks down all structural resistance, forcing the worker to look upon the requirements of capital as self-evident natural laws, turning the invisible chains of the wage into a psychological prison.

2.4. The Totalitarian Dictatorship of Capital

Following 1945, a qualitatively new form of oppression emerged: the impersonal, totalitarian dictatorship of Capital has permanently replaced the traditional dictatorship of the individual bourgeoisie. The capitalist is now merely a functionary of his own wealth, while the State operates purely as a central police-board for the law of value. This machinery safely integrates the daily class struggle into the circuits of accumulation, transforming trade unions into regulatory organs of the state. Only a new movement of the working class, violently triggered by the catastrophic crisis of production and the collapse of the welfare illusion, can shatter this integration and restore the revolutionary struggle against this invisible domination.

2.5. The Historical Nature of Class

A social class is the permanent, homogeneous alignment of human groups scattered across the productive apparatus but sharing a common material deprivation. The proletariat is not defined by sociological income brackets, the colour of its collars, or its self-identification, but by its absolute separation from the means of production. Through decades of struggle, its historic action leads to a political revolution and a new state form. This historic rupture is driven by a body of critical doctrine synthesised from the concrete, bloody activity of the class into an original, invariant programme that transcends all national borders and temporary setbacks.

2.6. The Invariance of the Doctrine

The revolutionary programme is not a living organism subject to evolutionary adaptation, nor is it a set of hypotheses waiting to be corrected by the shifting moods of the masses. The doctrine of the Party is historically invariant, forged as a monolithic, complete block in the fiery crucible of the mid-nineteenth century class struggles. Any attempt to “update,” “enrich,” or “modernise” Marxism to accommodate new academic trends is inherently counter-revolutionary. The Party does not invent the truth; it violently defends the invariant compass of the class against the ideological syphilis of bourgeois revisionism, holding the historical line until the crisis forces the class to meet its programme.

2.7. The Class In-Itself and For-Itself

Every social class combines an economic and a political mode of being. The class-in-itself (object) merely defines the proletariat’s structural function and its exploitation within the capitalist machine—a mass of fragmented sellers of labour-power. The class-for-itself (subject) emerges only when the proletariat assumes its political subjectivity. This is not achieved by majority vote or workplace sociology, but is defined by the nature of its consciousness, its distinct vanguard organisations, and its invariant programme aimed unequivocally at destroying the historical mode of production and erecting the dictatorship of the proletariat.

2.8. The Transformation of the Proletarian Subject

Communist tactics grasp the proletarian not as a passive object of pity, but as the historical subject of society’s dissolution. The initial break in the accumulation cycle manifests as mass unemployment, violently expelling the worker from the production process and severing the wage-bond that ties them to the commodity form. This expulsion strips away all patriotic and reformist illusions, revealing the proletarian as an absolute pauper and elevating the conflict to a universal confrontation with the State. Only when the proletariat is denied the “privilege” of exploitation does it become the physical weapon of the revolution.

2.9. The Birth of Revolutionary Consciousness

The initial moments of revolt are bound to immediate, local demands and are merely negative, spontaneous reactions to the economic crisis. Revolutionary consciousness does not emerge through the gradual education of the individual worker, but as a collective reflex to material deprivation. The inevitable failure of these non-communist actions produces a higher consciousness. By exhausting every legal avenue, the class realises that every partial defeat is organically linked to reformist demands that fail to break the fundamental relation of wage-slavery, finally grasping that power cannot be negotiated, only conquered.

2.10. The Myth of the Human Being and the Rejection of Humanism

The contemporary Left is suffocated by a pathetic, moralising humanism that mourns the loss of a dignity the working class never actually possessed. The human being does not currently exist; it will be the eventual biological and social result of communist society. Today, Capital knows only one people: an undifferentiated mass of voluntary servants integrated into the material community of the automaton. We must radically cleanse the revolutionary programme of all humanist reserves, philosophical sentimentality, and republican moralising. There are no “human beings” in this capitalist humanity, and there is no humanity to be appealed to against this structural inhumanity. To speak of “human rights” under the dictatorship of the value-form is to politically disarm the proletariat, chaining it to the very ideological framework used to justify its extraction.

2.11. The Rejection of Democratic Mystifications

The Communist Party denounces without reservation any proletarian demand for the defence or extension of civil liberties, the pursuit of economic “equality,” or appeals to social fraternity. These democratic mystifications are inherently reactionary, functioning solely to obscure the necessity of a total revolutionary rupture by implying the bourgeois state can be made fair. The Party rejects them equally whether they are championed as the ultimate goal of struggle, as in the putrid traditions of Social Democracy and Stalinism, or merely deployed as a tactical expedient by the various opportunist rackets of leftism who believe the workers must be tricked into the revolution.

2.12. The Programmatic Substance of Bourgeois Democracy

Democratic claims constitute the programmatic substance of all the bourgeois and social-democratic factions we fight against. Their primary historical function is the moral disarmament of the working class. Entrapped by parliamentarism and trade unionism, the proletariat is taught to view the capitalist state as an arbiter rather than an enemy. It abandons its hope for revolutionary emancipation in exchange for the precarious satisfaction of immediate concessions. This ultimately provides Capital with a broader, more stable basis for its continued domination, reducing proletarians to mere fodder for electoral campaigns and imperialist wars.

2.13. The Bourgeois Illusion of “Democratic Socialism”

All petty cogitations on liberty, equality, and fraternity are absolute nonsense regarding the genuine material origins of human misery. They treat the historically transient and specific forms of capitalist production as eternal, natural laws. By transporting the fundamental economic categories of Capital—wages, currency, the market, the enterprise, and the State—directly into their bourgeois vision of “socialism,” reformists merely perpetuate the intellectual mutilations and psychological prejudices of a decaying society. They do not seek the abolition of capitalism, but a utopian capitalism without the capitalists, where the proletariat manages its own exploitation.

2.14. The Exhaustion of Bourgeois Progress

Regarding their historical content, democratic demands were only useful when they accelerated the development of the capitalist mode of production against feudalism—a progressive phase that ended definitively with the global conflagration of 1914. Today, in the era of Capital’s real domination and financial imperialism, pushing bourgeois ideals past their historical limit is socially conservative and politically counter-revolutionary. The realisation of equality and freedom within the framework of capital brings only inequality and despotism, perfecting the chains of the market rather than breaking them.

2.15. The Antifascist Intoxication

The democratic front demands the proletariat sacrifice its historical independence to defend the “lesser evil” of the liberal republic against fascism. The Communist Party ruthlessly exposes this fraud. Fascism is not a feudal regression, but the supreme political manifestation of concentrated Capital in its imperialist phase, shedding its democratic skin to crush the class. Its greatest historical triumph, however, is antifascism—the toxic ideological mechanism that rallies the working class to shed its blood for the defence and preservation of the democratic bourgeois state. To choose between democratic Capital and fascist Capital is to choose the method of one’s own execution.

2.16. The Illusion of Reform

Within the context of fully developed, real capitalist domination, purely economic movements are fundamentally reactionary and illusory. They are reactionary because they attempt to sustain an exhausted, dying system, acting as doctors to a diseased mode of production. They are illusory because the catastrophic crisis opens no path forward other than the absolute historical liquidation of Capital. Any political programme that promises a gradual, peaceful redistribution of wealth without the violent destruction of the bourgeois state is not merely naive; it is an active accomplice in the perpetuation of wage-slavery.

2.17. The Counter-Revolutionary Trap of Under-consumptionism

Demanding higher wages to “increase consumption” and stimulate the economy is a petty-bourgeois, reactionary trap that shields the Bourgeois State from its ultimate reckoning. It is a shallow, Keynesian tautology to claim crises are caused by a lack of purchasing power; in reality, crises are always prepared precisely during periods when wages rise and the rate of profit is subsequently squeezed. Under-consumptionism diverts the proletariat from the real structural contradictions, attempting to bind the working class to the health of the national economy, while capital prepares its true, inevitable solution to the crisis of overaccumulation: the mass destruction of values through imperialist war.

2.18. The Divisive Nature of Trade Unionism

All trade-union actions and localised economic demands institutionalise division and competition within the working class. By negotiating the terms of exploitation sector by sector, unions inherently pit workers against one another. Any concession granted within the framework of capitalism requires an intensification of exploitation for the remaining workforce or the shifting of misery to another sector of the global proletariat. Furthermore, these economic claims prevent natural unification, as they cannot mobilise the unemployed, the destitute, and the marginalised who stand in total, objective opposition to the state and exist outside the safety net of the union contract.

2.19. The Atomisation of the Class Through Factory Reform

Modern corporate reforms are designed to stifle revolutionary action by confining disputes to the technicalities of individual firms. Capital erects structural barriers to deflect political confrontations back onto purely economic ground, atomising the working class and perverting revolutionary awareness by presenting a systemic historical crisis as a mere consequence of “bad management” or “corporate greed.” When workers are encouraged to fight for the survival of “their” factory or to protect “domestic jobs” from foreign competition, they are effectively transformed into foot soldiers for their own local bourgeoisie.

2.20. The Total Integration of Reformism

Corporate and factory reforms formalise the complete integration of the trade-union apparatus into the requirements of capitalist accumulation and state planning. In the epoch of imperialism, the union is no longer a weapon of proletarian defence; it is a structural appendage of the Ministry of Labour. Under conditions of acute crisis, this reformism directly manages the terms of proletarian defeat, ensuring that strikes remain peaceful, symbolic, and economically harmless. Social democracy has thus realised the organic essence of fascism, converting class unions into direct regulatory factors of the capitalist system, policing the working class from within.

2.21. The Trap of Worker Self-Management

The petty-bourgeois dream of “workers’ control” or “self-management” (autogestion) is a reactionary utopia. Capitalism does not consist merely in the physical presence of the boss; it consists in the economic form of the enterprise. To demand that workers democratically manage the enterprise is simply to demand that the proletariat become its own collective capitalist, administrating its own extraction of surplus-value according to the brutal dictates of the world market. The communist programme does not seek to democratise the factory or hand the ledgers over to the workers; it seeks to historically obliterate the enterprise form, the market mechanism, and the very category of wage-labour.

2.22. The Structural Break with the Corporate Unions

The re-emergence of the Communist Party and the resumption of genuine revolutionary action presuppose that the working class unmasks and shatters the structural, counter-revolutionary nature of these economic associations. The Party must direct the class to break the chains of the factory to directly confront the concentrated power of the capitalist State. The era of the general strike for better wages is dead; the only valid strike in the era of terminal crisis is the political strike that explicitly aims to free the future of the productive forces from their economic prison through the seizure of power.

2.23. The Era of the Counter-Revolution

When the counter-revolution succeeds in wrecking the movement—as it did in the bloody aftermath of the 1920s—the class struggle is historically suppressed. Over the subsequent decades of post-war reconstruction and the suffocating illusions of the welfare state, the proletariat is politically annihilated and confined entirely to its mere productive function, subjected to the system as passively as to a law of nature. This fatal, integrated course cannot be reversed by ideological education alone; it can only be broken by an objective economic explosion and the organisational restoration of the Class Party amidst the ruins of bourgeois prosperity.

2.24. The Disease of Activism

The contemporary Left is deeply infected by the petty-bourgeois disease of “activism”—the voluntarist delusion that the revolution can be artificially sparked by the sheer willpower and moral outrage of dedicated individuals. This is a total abandonment of the materialist method. Revolution is not a moral crusade against injustice; it is an objective, thermodynamic phase-shift in the mode of production, triggered by the catastrophic collapse of capitalist accumulation. Activism arrogantly assumes that human impatience can substitute for the historical maturation of the capitalist crisis, replacing the scientific predictability of the class struggle with the chaotic, subjective spasms of political impatience.

2.25. The Spectacular Pathology of Leftism

What the opportunist left calls “political action” is nothing more than a spectacular pathology. Endless marches, symbolic protests, petition drives, and theatrical clashes with the police have been fully integrated into the normal functioning of the democratic state. These actions do not threaten the capitalist automaton; they feed it. They reduce the historical struggle of the proletariat to a consumable commodity—street theatre designed to provide emotional catharsis for the alienated petty bourgeoisie. The capitalist spectacle eagerly absorbs this “dissent” to prove the vitality of its own democratic tolerance. To participate in this circus is to become a voluntary clown in the court of Capital.

2.26. The Fraud of Personal Adventurism

In moments of acute political impotence, activism inevitably degenerates into personal adventurism—the belief that daring stunts, isolated acts of terror, or guerrilla heroics can awaken the slumbering masses. This is the ultimate expression of the bourgeois “Great Man” hallucination. The invariant Marxist programme completely rejects individual terrorism and adventurism as suicidal deviations. These actions treat the proletariat as a passive audience waiting to be inspired by a heroic vanguard. In reality, adventurism merely hands the bourgeois state the perfect pretext to deploy its repressive apparatus and liquidate the most advanced layers of the working class before the objective crisis has fully matured.

2.27. The Illusion of “Doing Something”

The activists are constantly plagued by the moral panic of needing to “do something” in the face of capitalist atrocities, demanding immediate, frantic action no matter how directionless or conformist. The Communist Party violently rejects this neurotic impulse. When the objective conditions for revolutionary action do not exist, the most revolutionary act is militant abstentionism. We refuse to dissolve our invariant programme into the muddy waters of the “popular front” or align with the “lesser evil” just to feel busy. We would rather remain a disciplined, isolated minority than swell our ranks by compromising with the left-wing of Capital.

2.28. The Strategic Necessity of Anti-Activism

Our anti-activist stance is not passive; it is our most vital strategic weapon. It is the absolute precondition for the survival of the Party during the long, suffocating periods of counter-revolution. By refusing to chase every ephemeral protest or local dispute, the Party immunises itself against reformist recuperation and preserves the absolute theoretical purity of the communist programme. We do not waste our energy striking matches in a rainstorm. We wait for the drought. When the thermodynamic crisis of capital finally fractures the Gemeinwesen, the Party will emerge not as a chaotic mob of activists, but as the cold, disciplined, and ruthless general staff of the proletarian dictatorship.

2.29. The Vanguard Group in the Era of Counter-Revolution

During the suffocating void of the capitalist counter-revolution, the proletariat as a class-for-itself is entirely erased, reduced to its mere thermodynamic function of producing surplus-value. In this dead zone, the immediate task falls to a transitional Vanguard Group. Its mission is not to mimic a mass party, nor to artificially incite struggles that do not objectively exist. Instead, it must act as the frozen historical memory of the class. It must theoretically appropriate scientific socialism, maintain the lessons of past defeats, and place strict theoretical markers, reference points, and beacons along the harsh road of blood. We survive the absolute domination of Capital in disciplined isolation, waiting until the objective economic crisis physically forces the proletariat back onto the terrain of class war.

2.30. The Autopsy of Organisational Voluntarism

The invariant doctrine demands a ruthless autopsy not merely of Capital, but of the historical failures of the communist movement itself. To artificially proclaim the existence of the formal Party when it is merely “materially possible”—as the Italian Left tragically attempted in 1943—is a subjective, voluntarist deviation. The Party cannot be simultaneously conceived as the result, the means, and the practical condition of its own reformation. By maintaining the formal shell of a Party when the revolutionary working class had been practically annihilated by prosperity and reformist betrayal, the historical Left allowed the form to dominate the content, leading to opportunist degeneration. The modern constitution of the Party cannot depend on political impatience or human will; it depends strictly on the catastrophic explosion of capitalist contradictions.

2.31. Four Conditions for the Vanguard

The class cannot exist as a historical subject without the party, and the party cannot exist in a vacuum. Its emergence requires four simultaneous objective conditions: the maturity of capitalist relations of production across the global economy, an absolutely clear and invariant doctrine, a structural historical crisis that physically shatters the accumulation process, and the active presence of communist strategy ready to direct the impending class war. If any of these pillars are missing, attempts to force the birth of the Party result only in sects.

2.32. The Marxist Criteria for the Working Class

In the sound Marxist conception, the proletariat only constitutes a genuine working class when it demonstrates a distinct tendency to generate a conscious programme and an independent method of action. This programme serves as the theoretical summary of its practical experiences, establishing a rational relationship between tactical means and historical ends. It demands the class constitute itself into a distinct political party, absolutely opposed to all other political factions, rejecting all alliances, fronts, and blocs with the bourgeoisie or its left-wing administrators.

2.33. The Nature of Communist Tactics

The object of Communist Party tactics is not to artificially “create” the revolution, which springs organically from objectively matured historical crises independent of the will of parties or great men. Instead, the Party exists to foresee and direct the battle. It integrates every elementary upsurge toward the final historical goal, preserves the absolute doctrinal independence of the vanguard, and maintains strict organic centralism of action and continuity of organisation. It acts as the compass in the storm, ensuring the class does not lose its historic bearings.

2.34. The Fracture of the Capitalist Gemeinwesen

The crisis of Capital creates a violent economic discontinuity that ruptures the connection between the proletariat and the capitalist Gemeinwesen (the material community of Capital). Stripped of the wage, the worker is cast out of capitalist society. Only a vanguard will initially grasp this historical necessity. By joining the Party, this vanguard enters the communist Gemeinwesen foreshadowed by the organisation, turning the political confrontation with the State into the dawn of the revolutionary era, prefiguring the human community of tomorrow.

2.35. The Discontinuity of the Coming Movement

Under the real domination of Capital, the revolutionary proletariat emerges solely from Capital’s catastrophic crisis, not as a gradual, cumulative component of its accumulation. Therefore, the coming movement will not develop through the slow, linear growth, parliamentary seat-counting, and union-building that characterised the pre-1914 labour movement. Its programmatic continuity must remain absolute, but its organisational forms will represent a total, discontinuous rupture from the past, exploding onto the historical stage with unexpected violence.

2.36. The Monolithic Worldwide Party

The new revolutionary movement will not reform a traditional, democratic “International” of federated national parties, where each section enjoys autonomy to adapt to “local conditions.” Instead, it will constitute a monolithic Worldwide Party—the single, centralised expression of a universal movement born from the fully globalised conditions of the world market. It will be born exclusively from the fusion of revolutionary spontaneity with the invariant Communist Programme, ignoring the imaginary lines of national borders.

2.37. The Dual Tactics of the Bourgeoisie

A ruling class backed by centuries of political experience utilises a dual strategy to protect its power during periods of acute crises. Directly, it concentrates its repressive, militarised state forces on the most advanced sectors of the proletarian vanguard to physically liquidate the threat. Indirectly, it utilises social democracy and trade unionism within the factories to scatter, atomise, and artificially pit employed workers against the unemployed, using the illusion of reform to strangle the revolution in its cradle.

2.38. The Anti-Proletarian Front

Social-fascism, fascism, democratic parties, and civic leagues are all merely interchangeable variants of anti-proletarian repression. Despite their theatrical parliamentary disputes, they fulfil the essential capitalist function of the State in moments of peril. They act collectively as the centralised defence committee of the ruling class to ensure the continued extraction of surplus value, perfectly willing to massacre the proletariat under either a swastika or a democratic tricolour.

2.39. The Baptism of Blood

Threatened by the worker’s basic instinct for survival in the face of starvation, the State mobilises its political, military, and ideological machinery. While the immediate crisis tends to initially atomise and confuse workers, the reactionary violence of the bourgeois state produces a unifying revolutionary reaction. The proletarian revolution will only truly begin after a new, inescapable January 1905 washes away all remaining democratic illusions in blood, teaching the class that the State cannot be reasoned with, only destroyed.

2.40. The Fusion of Economic and Political Struggle

Because every new revolutionary movement resumes where the previous one was defeated, the coming struggle will complete the organic fusion of the economic and political fights. It will finally abolish the old social-democratic division between a “minimum” programme (reforms) and a “maximum” programme (revolution). The defensive functions of trade unions are historically obsolete and must be absorbed by the Class Party to transform immediate economic struggles for survival directly into offensive political action against the State.

2.41. The Tactical Programme of Transition

Denouncing trade-union action as conformist does not mean ignoring the immediate material needs of the starving class. It means basing communist tactics on the reality of impending economic chaos and catastrophic misery. The Party proposes a system of measures that prepares for the despotic intervention of the proletariat into the capitalist process. These measures—expropriation, requisition of housing, seizure of food stocks—prefigure the economic framework of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat.

2.42. The Solitary Road to Socialism

Under the catastrophic weight of its own accumulation, Capital has brought forth from its own womb the material and intellectual conditions for its destruction. The productive forces have definitively outgrown the relations of production. Consequently, all historically necessary mediations—alliances with the progressive bourgeoisie, national liberation struggles, democratic fronts—have been exhausted. The sole struggle with a revolutionary content today is the immediate, unmediated fight for the absolute Dictatorship of the Proletariat.

2.43. Communist “Totalitarianism” and the Eradication of Pacifism

Against the totalitarianism of Capital, we unequivocally affirm the “totalitarianism” of the communist movement—not in the bourgeois sense of bureaucratic state administration, but as the total, uncompromising material conquest of society to liquidate the very existence of classes. The revolution is not a matter of “opinions” or “culture”; it is the clash of physical forces. It is a long, dictatorial eruption of hatred, fury, and suffering required to physically suppress the counter-revolution and the uncontrolled forces of the capitalist economy. We brutally reject the humanitarian hesitation of figures like Rosa Luxemburg, whose refusal of revolutionary force and adherence to democratic legality historically disarmed the workers’ movement. The substitution of historical necessity for market anarchy requires the absolute, omnipresent suppression of all republican liberties. If the revolutionary State does not exert unrestricted, dictatorial force to shatter the commodity form, it will inevitably be shattered by it.

2.44. The Dictatorship Against Democracy

The opportunist left constantly attempts to smuggle democracy back into the revolutionary programme, demanding that the “dictatorship of the proletariat” be managed by democratic workers’ councils or local assemblies. The invariant programme violently rejects this. The abolition of the bourgeois state is inseparable from the total annihilation of its democratic machinery. The proletarian State cannot be democratised; it is a weapon of class terror, not a parliament of workers. Any demand for “democratic content” within the revolutionary transition subordinates the objective historical goal to the shifting, reactionary opinions of the masses, guaranteeing a return to capitalist categories. Once proletarian political power is seized, it is neither shared nor controlled by constitutional guarantees; at that exact moment, democracy ceases to exist entirely.

COMPARATIVE SUMMARY: THE VOLUNTARIST ILLUSION VS. THE INVARIANT AUTOPSY

The Nature of the Party

The Opportunist / Voluntarist Illusion: The Party can be built at any time through sheer will, activism, and the correct recruitment tactics, regardless of the objective economic cycle.

The Invariant Marxist Programme: The Party is an objective historical product of the thermodynamic crisis of capital; attempting to formalise it prematurely guarantees opportunist degeneration.

The Revolutionary Transition

The Opportunist / Voluntarist Illusion: A humanist awakening of the masses leading to a radical, participatory democracy where workers manage their own exploitation.

The Invariant Marxist Programme: An objective, “totalitarian” phase-shift that violently conquers society to liquidate classes and suppress all democratic forms and commodity exchange.

The Concept of Humanity

The Opportunist / Voluntarist Illusion: The working class possesses an inherent “human dignity” that must be defended against capitalist greed and exploitation.

The Invariant Marxist Programme: Under Capital, the human being does not exist. True humanity is the result of communism, not the premise of the struggle.

The State and Democracy

The Opportunist / Voluntarist Illusion: The bourgeois state must be smashed but replaced by a “democratic” proletarian state accountable to the opinions of the masses.

The Invariant Marxist Programme: The proletarian dictatorship is the absolute negation of democracy. It derives its legitimacy from its historical function, not from universal suffrage.

[1] This is an abridge thesis, for a comprehensive presentation of this Thesis, see; The Eris Archive A Comprehensive Compendium Of Core Materials, pages 41-141.